{"id":9507,"date":"2022-05-29T17:36:16","date_gmt":"2022-05-29T17:36:16","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/kohelet.org.il\/article\/the-istanbul-convention-opens-israel-to-radical-social-changes-imposed-by-the-courts-and-permanent-condemnation-by-an-international-body\/"},"modified":"2025-07-13T08:43:46","modified_gmt":"2025-07-13T08:43:46","slug":"the-istanbul-convention-opens-israel-to-radical-social-changes-imposed-by-the-courts-and-permanent-condemnation-by-an-international-body","status":"publish","type":"article","link":"https:\/\/www.kohelet.org.il\/en\/article\/the-istanbul-convention-opens-israel-to-radical-social-changes-imposed-by-the-courts-and-permanent-condemnation-by-an-international-body\/","title":{"rendered":"The Istanbul Convention Opens Israel to Radical Social Changes and Permanent Condemnation by an International Body"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

May 2022<\/em><\/p>\n\n\n\n

The Government of Israel has announced its intention to join the Istanbul Convention on Violence Against Women. The problematic asylum provisions of the Convention have already been highlighted. But numerous other provisions are problematic in ways that affect every aspect of Israeli society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Violence against women (VAW) in all its forms is an extremely serious problem. But many of the provisions of the Convention simply do nothing to address it, instead focusing on unrelated general social issues. The adoption of the Convention does not give Israel any additional tools to crack down on such violence. Those seeking to fight VAW should promote tough new domestic legislation dealing with the problem directly.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

While this treaty creates a variety of risks in the form of Bagatz<\/em> (Israel High Court) activism and review by hostile external commissions, there is no upside to joining this treaty.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

i. No domestic benefits. <\/strong>There are no measures against VAW that cannot be taken directly by national legislation. People who are really serious about fighting VAW should push for stronger penalties for such crimes in the Knesset, and seek to also crack down on perennial related problems like Bedouin polygamy.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

ii.<\/strong> No international benefits, only international harm<\/strong>. Some might think that joining this treaty would help our international standing. Not only is that not true \u2013 but it would create a vehicle for our permanent demonization. There is often pressure to join certain United Nations human rights treaties because they are global in scope \u2013 pretty much every country joins it. The Istanbul Convention is a treaty of the Council of Europe (CoE), and Israel\u2019s non-participation would not be remarkable.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unlike the U.N. Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), which almost every country on Earth has signed, the Istanbul Convention is so unusual in its micromanagement of domestic systems, and so extreme in its promotion of progressive social values, that even many CoE member states like the United Kingdom and Czech Republic have not joined it. Israel would be the only non-CoE country to join, with other non-CoE countries like Canada having rejected it.<\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

In addition, the treaty establishes a monitoring mechanism, the Group of Experts (GRIEVO), which is empowered to conduct country visits, receive reports from NGOs, and issue periodical reports on the conduct of state parties. Based on Israel\u2019s experience with similar bodies in other international organizations, GRIEVO will be barraged with anti-Israel complaints masquerading as women\u2019s rights claims. Like other \u201chuman rights\u201d bodies, it will churn out reports condemning Israel for its treatment of the Palestinians, any vestige of \u201cgendered\u201d religious practice.[1]<\/a> Thus whatever brief international praise Israel gets for joining will be overshadowed by the routine condemnations.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

To be clear, this is not a hypothetical concern. The U.N. currently employs \u201cexperts\u201d on violence against women to make reports on various countries. Their reports on Israel are extended denunciations of Israel\u2019s policy in the territories.[2]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n


Israel faces two fundamentally different set of considerations from the countries who have joined.<\/strong> Israel is unique in the broad powers the Supreme Court has asserted for itself. In other countries, signing the treaty would not provide a basis for judicial review of every aspect of social issues related to gender issues, trans rights, etc. \u2013 in Israel it surely would. Secondly, Israel is unique in being the subject of a massive campaign by pro-Palestinian NGOs to hijack international institutions to use against it. The European \u201cmonitoring mechanism\u201d for the Convention would surely become nothing more than an arena where Palestinian extremist claims are dressed up as women\u2019s rights claims. Instead of being applauded for its membership in the treaty, the annual review process would be a venue for permanent condemnation of Israel.<\/p>\n\n\n\n


Finally, CEDAW and other women\u2019s instruments, the Convention itself bars any reservations that would suspend the effect of the problematic provisions or only adopt those genuinely related to violence against women. It is an all-or-nothing proposition. The Justice Ministry has said that the Government intends to make interpretive declarations relating to certain objectionable asylum provisions (Art. 60 & 61). But such declarations have absolutely no legal force under Art. 78, and are indeed violations of the Convention. It is hardly a good sign that Israel has to violate the treaty to join it<\/strong>. The same is true of all the specific provisions discussed below.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Examples of the Convention\u2019s problematic non-asylum provisions[3]<\/strong><\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art. 3(c)<\/strong> opens the door for judicial recognition of \u201cnon-binary\u201d genders<\/strong> by defining \u201cgender\u201d as not being biological, but rather being \u201csocially constructed roles, behaviours, activities and attributes.\u201d  This particular provision has actually led some European countries to not join the treaty. While the Council of Europe claims it is not intended to undermine the biological notion of gender, it could certainly be used by an activist court to do so.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art. 4(2) <\/strong>requires putting provisions of gender \u201cequality\u201d in national constitutions and laws. <\/strong>The question of \u201cequality\u201d guarantees \u2013 which would give Bagatz<\/em> huge powers to make discretionary determinations in a wide variety of areas \u2013 has long been controversial. This brings it in through the back door. Moreover, Art. 4(2) bans all forms of \u201cdiscrimination.\u201d Israel filed a reservation against a similar provision in CEDAW because it can conflict with \u201claws of personal status\u201d in religious communities. No such reservation is allowed here.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art. 9<\/strong> requires Israel to \u201csupport and recognize\u2026 non-governmental organisations and of civil society active in combating violence against women and establish effective co-operation with these organisations.\u201d Needless to say, radical anti-Israel NGOs funded by European governments will describe themselves as combatting violence against Palestinian women and will use this provision to demand government recognition. Such claims will likely win sympathy with the GRIEVO experts. This is not hypothetical. The current U.N. Special Rapporteurs on violence against women as well as rapporteur on discrimination against women last month joined a denunciation of Israel for classifying six Palestinian NGOs as terror groups.[4]<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Art 12(1)<\/strong> \u2013 \u201cParties shall take the necessary measures to promote changes <\/strong>in the social and cultural patterns of behavior of women and men with a view to eradicating \u2026customs<\/strong>, traditions and all other practices which are based on the idea of the inferiority of women or on stereotyped roles for women and men<\/strong>.\u201d\u00a0<\/p>\n\n\n\n

This is unlike any other known treaty provision, requiring parties to actually change their countries’ \u201cculture\u201d and \u201ccustoms.\u201d This would be a basis for challenging a wide variety of practices in Israel entirely unrelated to VAW, such as maternal lineage for Judaism; religious girls\u2019 exemptions from army service; restrictions on women in combat; and even separate prayer at the Kotel. The vast reach of this provision poses so many risks they are hard to list or enumerate, but it is a Trojan horse into the most sensitive and distinctive issues in Israeli society.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Unlike CEDAW, to which Israel made numerous reservations to preserve the status quo in religious matters,[5]<\/a> no such exceptions are allowed in the Istanbul Convention, despite \u2013 or because \u2013 its interference in matters of personal status and religion is far greater. Indeed, this could have the practical effect of overriding Israel\u2019s reservations to such earlier treaties.<\/p>\n\n\n\n


Art 40<\/strong> \u2013 requires parties to penalize \u201csexual harassment,\u201d using a definition that goes far beyond current law by defining it as \u201cunwanted verbal, non-verbal or physical conduct of a sexual nature with the purpose or effect of violating the dignity of a person.\u201d The definition is not limited to workplace harassment, and in its vagueness, threatens free speech and is generally vague and open-ended and beyond current Israeli law.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

\n\n\n\n

[1]<\/a> See, for example, Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against women<\/a>, its causes and consequences on her mission to Israel, A?HRC\/35\/30\/Ad.1 (2016) (The Special Rapporteur renews the call on the Government to end the occupation and conflict and to promptly address its gendered impact<\/strong>.\u201d);<\/strong> <\/strong> Report of the Special Rapporteur on violence against wom<\/a>en, its causes and consequences, on her mission to the Occupied Palestinian Territory\/State of Palestine, A\/HRC\/35\/30, Ad. 2 (2017) https:\/\/www.ohchr.org\/en\/HRBodies\/HRC\/RegularSessions\/Session35\/Documents\/A_HRC_35_30_Add_2_EN.docx (blaming \u201cthe occupation\u201d for the \u201csubordination\u201d of Palestinian women and their exclusion from public life; women\u2019s unemployment; child marriage; among other Palestinian social ills).<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[2]<\/a>  As one such UN expert said after an inspection visit to Israel, \u201cthe prolonged occupation has had a differentiated impact on women and girls, and noted that house demolitions, either in the context of lack of building permits or on punitive grounds and forced evictions have a specific impact on women.\u201d https:\/\/refugeesmigrants.un.org\/zh\/node\/100042398<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[3]<\/a> Bolded font in various provisions cited has been added for emphases.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[4]<\/a> https:\/\/www.ohchr.org\/en\/press-releases\/2022\/04\/israelpalestine-un-experts-call-governments-resume-funding-six-palestinian<\/p>\n\n\n\n

[5]<\/a> https:\/\/treaties.un.org\/Pages\/ViewDetails.aspx?src=TREATY&mtdsg_no=IV-8&chapter=4&clang=_en#30<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"May 2022 The Government of Israel has announced its intention to join the Istanbul Convention on Violence Against Women. The problematic asylum provisions of the Convention have already been highlighted. But numerous other provisions are problematic in ways that affect every aspect of Israeli society. 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The problematic asylum provisions of the Convention have already been highlighted. But numerous other provisions are problematic in ways that affect every aspect of Israeli society. 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